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Original article: El dato que desapareci\u00f3: Fiscal\u00eda quit\u00f3 del informe de homicidios las muertes por agentes del Estado<\/a><\/p>\n Aimed at ensuring transparency in statistical reporting, what unfolded became a controversy when the results of the National Homicide Report 2025<\/strong> were presented last March. Notably, the official document excluded a figure present in its original version: the number of deaths caused directly by state agents<\/strong>. This figure, initially part of the section on \u201ccriminals deceased in the context of their own offenses,\u201d was removed at the explicit request of the Public Ministry<\/strong>.<\/p>\n According to an investigation by Reportea, this decision is linked to a category that has nearly tripled since 2018, following the contentious Na\u00edn Retamal Law<\/strong>, enacted in 2023 which amended the Penal Code to enhance protections for police officers. Experts attribute this phenomenon to cultural and regulatory changes in the use of lethal force by law enforcement.<\/p>\n The report, compiled by the Ministry of Security, the prosecutor\u2019s office, the Investigative Police (PDI), Carabineros, and the Gendarmerie, originally contained a specific breakdown: the deaths caused by state agents categorized as \u201ccriminals deceased in their own offense context<\/strong>.\u201d However, this detail vanished from the final version<\/strong> released in early March.<\/p>\n Sources from former President Gabriel Boric\u2019s administration confirmed to Reportea that the decision was made in the final weeks of his term, following a request from the Public Ministry<\/strong>.<\/p>\n The prosecutor\u2019s office justified the request by stating that the breakdown \u201cdid not align with the agreed methodological guidelines<\/strong>\u201d from the Ministry of Security. In a written response, they mentioned that the report \u201cdoes not provide information\u2014neither in the 2025 publication nor in previous versions\u2014about the perpetrators of consummated homicide crimes, who commits them, their professions, or the official status of the perpetrator.\u201d As a result, the statistics on deaths caused by police have remained outside of public debate.<\/p>\n Despite the omission, Reportea accessed the total figures under the item \u201ccriminals deceased in their own offense context<\/strong>.\u201d The data indicates a clear trend: between 2018 and 2022, the numbers fluctuated between 23 and 35 annual homicides<\/strong>. However, in 2023 the curve broke with 49 deaths, and in 2024 the figure rose to 72<\/strong>. According to consulted sources, state agents were responsible for over 40 deaths within this category in 2025 alone.<\/p>\n This increase coincides with the enactment of the Na\u00edn Retamal Law in April 2023, which provided greater legal protections to uniformed personnel and established the concept of \u201cprivileged self-defense<\/a>,\u201d under which the victim must prove that the aggression was not in self-defense when excessive force is used.<\/p>\n Experts believe this temporal correlation is no coincidence. Mauricio Duce<\/strong>, an academic and researcher at the Millennium Nucleus of Criminal Complexity at the Catholic University and the University of Tarapac\u00e1, suggested that the increase \u201ccould be a consequence of legislative changes<\/strong> we experienced in 2023, particularly the Na\u00edn Retamal Law.\u201d<\/p>\n \u201cThis is a plausible hypothesis, as it pertains to the sphere of protection of legitimate defense, thus officials may feel more secure regarding their use of lethal weapons. This could reflect a greater use of lethal force as a defense mechanism<\/strong>, potentially increasing the lethality of these interventions,\u201d he told Reportea.<\/p>\n However, the researcher clarifies that he does not foresee a significant increase in the numbers of criminals deceased at the hands of civilians or police beyond that factor.<\/p>\n Alejandra Mohor<\/strong>, a researcher at the Center for Studies on Citizen Security (CESC) at the University of Chile, agrees on the diagnosis but adds a cultural layer.<\/p>\n \u201cWe can again hypothesize that this controversial law has generated a perception among police agents<\/strong> that they can effectively act according to their mandates, but to the maximum extent of what they are allowed,\u201d she explained. For Mohor, the regulatory framework is merely an extension of what Duce refers to as a \u201cpunitive cultural context\u201d: what society deems acceptable in dealing with crime<\/strong>.<\/p>\n Beyond hypotheses, experts concur on a central point: the necessity for the state to disclose the deaths caused by its own agents<\/strong>.<\/p>\n Duce emphasized that these figures must be presented to the public \u201cfor reasons of transparency, but also for the benefit of the system itself<\/strong>, to better understand the phenomena.\u201d<\/p>\n He remarked that although they do not necessarily need to be part of the report summary, they should be recorded in a database \u201cthat the public can access<\/strong>.\u201d<\/p>\n Mohor elevated the demand to a democratic principle, stating that \u201cit\u2019s not just about convenience or importance<\/strong>.\u201d<\/p>\n \u201cIn a democratic framework, this is a requirement for adequate oversight<\/strong> regarding the use of force by state agents,\u201d she asserted.<\/p>\n She also warned about the normalization of violence. \u201cWhen everyone is convinced that simply labeling someone as a criminal justifies extreme penalties, then what\u2019s the point of a democratic framework? What\u2019s the point of procedural safeguards? What about rights guarantees?\u201d<\/strong>, she questioned in her statements to the cited media outlet<\/a>.<\/p>\n The case of Horacio Boudon, a 26-year-old with no criminal record who was shot by a police officer<\/strong> during a vehicle inspection in San Bernardo in March, illustrates the concrete consequences of this statistical discussion.<\/p>\n As Mohor concludes, the Na\u00edn Retamal law is a symptom, not the root cause:<\/strong> \u201cIf we repeal the law tomorrow, I assure you the scenario will not change significantly.\u201d As long as the data on deaths by state agents remains excluded from official reports, Chilean democracy will continue to debate blindly the true cost of its security policy.<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\nThe Data that Disappeared from the Official Report<\/span><\/h3>\n
The Silent Growth of a Controversial Category<\/span><\/h3>\n
The \u201cNa\u00edn Retamal Effect\u201d and Privileged Self-Defense<\/span><\/h3>\n
State Transparency on Deaths Caused by Its Own Agents<\/span><\/h3>\n
Death of Horacio Boudon at the Hands of Carabineros<\/span><\/h3>\n